Threats to the Republic: The Clinton and Trump Impeachments
Peter Schultz
There are
at least two problems with the Trump impeachment, as there were with the
Clinton impeachment as well.
First, the
Clinton impeachment was not a genuine attempt to remove Bill Clinton from
office, a fact that is I suspect true of the Trump impeachment as well. Why
would the Republicans have wanted to remove Clinton from office more than
halfway through his term – meaning Al Gore could have served two full terms if
he had been elected in 2000 – and prior to the 2000 presidential election for
“offenses” that hardly endangered much more than Clinton’s marriage? Clinton
was guilty of bad behavior and of trying to cover it up, but as majorities of
the people repeatedly opined, the Republican attempt was merely a manifestation
of partisan or party electoral politics. The same is true of the Democratic
attempt to impeach and remove Trump from office. Except among those blinded by
“Trump hysteria” or those willing to play “smoke and mirror politics,” there is
no good or adequate reason for removing Trump from office, especially now that
the Democrats control the House of Representatives and given the anti-Trump
animus evident in the mainstream media.
Secondly –
and more importantly – both of these impeachment attempts trivialize – and
hence marginalize – that process, which has consequences for our republican
scheme of government. The impeachment process was created in order to provide a
means, within constitutional processes, to hold presidents accountable and to
remove and ban them from office should that seem necessary. Monarchs could not
be held accountable or be removed by any ordinary process. Removal required revolution
and/or regicide. But because the men who drafted the Constitution knew they
were creating a powerful and, hence, a dangerous office, one with some
monarchical attributes, they wanted a means – without involving revolution or
assassination – of holding presidents accountable and removing and banning them
from office. That is, our founders knew that the presidency as created was an
office whose misuse or abuse could undermine the republican form of government
created by the Constitution because presidents had the means to aggrandize
themselves and their office, e.g., through abuse of the commander in chief
powers and/or the pardoning power.
In other
words, the impeachment process was adopted to deal with what was once called an
“imperial presidency” and, more recently, a “unitary executive.” But there is
little or nothing in either the Clinton or the Trump impeachment proceedings
that reflect such concerns. That is, neither Clinton nor Trump has been charged
with seeking to establish an “imperial” or a “unitary” presidency. Rather, the focus was and is on allegedly bad
or illegal behavior, but not behavior that rises to the level of having grave
political consequences that would, if unchecked, undermine the Constitution’s
republican scheme – or what’s left of it.
We have however
witnessed such grave actions, e.g., when Nixon claimed while making war in Laos
and Cambodia that a president could constitutionally make war wherever, whenever,
and however he wanted. Or when Reagan undertook to make war in Nicaragua
despite the legally established opposition of the Congress, while trading arms
for hostages in violation of the clearly established policy of the United
States. We have also witnessed such behavior when Bush Jr. decided that he had
the authority to invade and occupy Iraq with or without the approval of the
Congress, and that he could do this based on manufactured “intelligence.” And
of course we have witnessed, so to speak, such behavior repeatedly by the CIA
and other agencies, under presidential guidance, attempting to overthrow and
overthrowing legitimately established governments for a variety of reasons,
with or without congressional approval. Such misuses and abuses of power seem
tailor made for the impeachment process as a means of preserving a republican
scheme of government, and especially from aggrandizing presidents.
To use the
impeachment process to deal with allegedly bad or illegal behavior that doesn’t
endanger our republican scheme of government trivializes that process, while
doing nothing to fortify our republican institutions. In fact, insofar as the
impeachment process has become merely part of our partisan, electoral politics,
being used to overturn election results or to influence future elections, just
so far does that process undermine our republic which is already in need of
life support. Given that this process has been used in this way by both the
Republicans (against Clinton) and the Democrats (against Trump), one could and
maybe even should get the impression that neither party wants to revive or
resuscitate our republican scheme of government. Our Orwellian oligarchs are
content, it seems, to subvert, to kill that republic – even while waving flags
and singing “God Bless America.” It is a weird situation.
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